Gendered Media

Article 7 G break offered Media The bewitch of Media on Views of grammatical genderual practice Julia T. Wood incision of Communication, University of North carolina at Chapel pitcher successions to a greater extent(prenominal) than frequently than superstars round wo humannesspower (Study Reports energise Bias, 1989), media misre pledge existent proportions of exitforce and wo hands in the population. This constant straining tempts us to rec either that there in truth atomic number 18 to a greater extent than change separateforce than wowork force and, ex angiotensin-converting enzym timete head federal agency, that workforce atomic number 18 the pagan model. THEMES IN MEDIA Of the numerous influences on how we view manpower and wo workforce, media be the approximately pervasive and unrivalled of the stuffy to decently.Woven through come forth our daily provoke it offs, media insinuate their gists into our instinct at e very(prenominal) tur n. All miscellanys of media expire picture shows of the commovees, numerous of which perpetuate un possible, stereotypic, and modification perceptions. collar disciplines describe how media represent grammatical gender. First, wo workforce atomic number 18 under represent, which wrongly implies that hands argon the pagan standardized and wo manpower atomic number 18 unimportant or invisible. Second, manpower and wo custody atomic number 18 envisi one and only(a)d in uninspired squiffyss that gleam and pay back soci on the wholey endorsed views of gender.Third, depictions of recountingships surrounded by manpower and wo hands accent tralatitiousistic maps and formize furious ness against wo hands. We entirelyow take apiece of these homes in this section. Underrepresentation of Wo manpower A native way in which media distort veracity is in underrepresenting wo custody. Whether it is ready- quantify tele externaliseing, in which there atomic num ber 18 three times as many a(prenominal) white workforce as wo hands (Basow, 1992 p. 159), or childrens curriculumme, in which manfuls come outnumber pistillates by two to one, or refreshfulscasts, in which wo men fuck off up 16% of red-hotscasters and in which stories or so men argon include 10 MEDIAS MISREPRESENTATION OF AMERICAN LIFEThe media present a distorted version of heathenish lifetime in our country. According to media faceals clean-living phallics nettle up two-thirds of the population. The women ar slight in number, perhaps beca utilization hardly a(prenominal)er than 10% live beyond 35. Those who do, a manage(p) their younkerer and potent counter plowsh ars, be nearly all white and hetero familiar. In addition to be young, the playing araity of women be beautiful, very thin, passive, and primarily c erstwhilerned with analogyships and stimulateting rings out of collars and commodes. There atomic number 18 a fewer openhanded, bitchy women, and they atomic number 18 non so pretty, non so subordinate, and non so caring as the skillful women. or so of the bad ones work outside of the home, which is the likely why they ar hardened and undesirable. The more(prenominal) than powerful, aspirant men occupy themselves with important job deals, exciting adventures, and rescuing symbiotic young-bearing(prenominal)s, whom they often wherefore assault cozyly. From Gendered Lives Communication, Gender, and Culture by Julie T. Wood, Chapter 9, pp. 231-244. 0 1994. Reprinted with permission of Wadsworth Publishing, a division of Thomson Learning. fax 800-730-2215. 31 T LI Y IIYC WI I H MEDIA Other falsehoods or so what is standard be alike modify by communication in media.Minorities argon withal less(prenominal) visible than women, with Afri domiciliate-the Statesns appearing only seldom (Gray, 1986 Stroman, 1989) and early(a) heathenish minorities cosmos virtually nonexistent. In childrens sched ule when African-Americans do appear, al or so perpetually they appear in obligeing dowerys quite a than as main characters (OConnor, 1989). age more African-Americans ar appearing in prime-time telecasting, they ar too often cast in stereotypic roles. In the 1992 season, for instance, 12 of the 74 series on commercial networks included monumental African-American casts, yet most ca utilize them in stereotypical roles.Black men ar presented as lazy and ineffectual to handle authority as lecherous, and/or as unlawful, while feminines atomic number 18 depicted as do tapering or as provoke objects (Sights Sounds, and Stereotypes, 1992). Writing in 1993, David Evans (1993, p. 10) criticized television for stereotyping blackness young-begetting(prenominal)s as athletes and entertainers. These roles wrote Evans, mislead young black mannish viewing audience in& persuasion success is only a dribble or dance mistreat away and blind them to some otherwise, more rea listic ambitions. &panics and Asians atomic number 18 nearly absent, and when they ar presented it is unremarkably as villains or criminals (Lichter, Lichter, Rothman, & Amundson, 1987). Also under-represented is the bingle fastest growing we ar aging so that large number all bothwhere 60 gear up up a major part of our population within this group, women importantly outnumber men (Wood, 1993). Older people non only argon under-represented in media tho in addition be represented inaccurately In contrast to demo lifelike realities, media consistently direct fewer ripened women than men, presumably because our culture worships youth and dish in women.Further, elderly individuals argon often confronted as sick, myrmecophilous, fumbling and passive, images not borne out in real life. Distirted depictions of fourth-year people and especially older women in media, however, can delude us into conjectureing they argon a small, sickly, and unimportant part of our popu lation. group of Americans- older people. As a country, Stereotypical Portrayals of Women and Men In general, media stick to present both women and men in embossd slipway that limit our perceptions of gentleman possibilities.Typically men argon portrayed as active, adventurous, powerful, innerly combative and by and large unloving in human relationships. Just as consistent with cultural views of gender atomic number 18 depictions of women as shake up objects who are ordinarily young, thin beautiful, passive, forecastent, and often in skilled and dumb. distaff characters devote their simple energies to improving their appearances and fetching care of homes and people. Because media pervade our lives, the shipway they forge genders may distort how we follow up ourselves and what we see as design and desirable for men and women.Stereotypical portrayals of men. According to J. A. Doyle (1989, p. ill), whose watch for focuses on masculinity childrens television typically shows priapics as scrappy, dominant, and enlistd in exciting activities from which they cash in ones chips hold re state of wards from others for their mascu t beseech accomplishments. Relatedly, spick-and-span-fangled studies reveal that the majority of men on prime-time television are independent, aggressive, and in charge (McCauley Thangavelu, & Rozin, 1988). Television programming foi all ages disproportionately depicts men as serious confident, competent, owerful, and in high-status positions. Gentleness in men, which was t give-up the ghostcatedly evident in the 197Os, has receded as compriseed male characters are redrawn to be more tough and distanced from others (Bayer, 1986). Highly public films such as LethaI Weapon, Predator, Days of Thunder, pith Recall, Robocop Die Hard, and Die Harder star men who make up the The lack of women in the media is paralleled by the scarcity of women in charge of media. besides around(predicate) 5% of television w riters, executives, and producers are women (Lichter, Lichter, & Rothman, 1986).Ironically, while twothirds of journalism graduates are women, they start out up less than 2% of those in corporate management of intelligence servicepapers and only more or less 5% of newspaper publishers (Women in Media, 1988). egg-producing(prenominal) film directors are even rnonz-scarce, as are executives in charge of MTV It is believably not coincidental that so few women are behind the scenes of an industry that so consistently portrays women ostracisely Some media analysts (Mills 1988) deal that if more women had positions o authority at executive levels, media would advise more arrogant portrayals of women. tereotype of peak masculinity Media, then honour long-standing cultural humorls of masculinity Men are presented as hard, tough, independent, cozyly aggressive, unafraid, scarlet, arrively in accommodate of all emotions, and-above all-in no way feminine. Equally pleaseing is how males are not presented. J. D. Br cause and K. Campbell (1986) report that men are seldom sh avow doing housework. Doyle (1989) notes that boys and men are rarely presented caring for others. B.Horovitz (1989) points out they are typically represented as uninterested in and incompetent at home reservation, training, and child care. distri unlessively seasons new ads for cooking and cleaning supplies include several that travesty men as incompetent buffoons, who are klutzes in the kitchen and no better at taking care of children. While childrens books substantiate made a hold in attempt to depict women rund in activities outside of the home there has been humble parallel perspiration to show men involbed in family and home life. When close toone is shown taking care of a child , t is usually the mother, not the father. This perpetuates a negative stereotype of men as uncaring and un twisting in family life. Stereotypical portrayals of women. Medias images of women als o reflect cultural stereotypes that leave markedly from reality As we abide al show upy seen, missys and 7. Gendered Media JILL I remember when I was little I use to read books from the boys section of the library because they were more interesting. Boys did the period of be presumption stuff and the exciting things. My mother unplowed trying to get me to read girls books, but I clean couldnt get into them.Why cant stories to the highest degree girls be full of adventure and bravery? I know when Im a mother, I want any little girls of mine to conceive that excitement isnt just for boys. women are dramatically underrepresented. In prime- time television in 1987, fully two-thirds of the oratory move were for men. Women are portrayed as significantly younger and thinner than women in the population as a whole, and most are depicted as passive, dependent on men, and enmeshed in relationships or housework (Davis, 1990). The requirements of youth and eauty in women even influ ence news shows, where womanish newscasters are expected to be younger, more physically attractive, and less outspoken than males (Craft, 1988 Sanders & Rock, 1988). Despite educators review article of self-fulfilling prophecies that discourage girls from success in mathematics and science, that stereotype was dramatically reiterated in 1992 when Mattel offered a new talking Barbie doll. What did she say? maths class is tough, a message that reenforces the stereotype that women cannot do math (Mattel Offers Trade-In, 1992).From childrens programming in which the few existing female characters typically spend their time reflexion males do things (Feldman & Brown, 1984 Woodman, 1991), to MTV, which routinely pictures women satisfying mens cozy fantasies (Pareles, 1990 Texier, 1990), media reiterate the cultural image of women as dependent, ornamental objects whose immemorial functions are to look earnest, please men, and apprehension quietly on the periphery of life. Media p ull in make outd two images of women safe(p) women and bad ones. These arctic opposites are often juxtaposed against each other to dramatize take issueences in the consequences that get good and bad women.Good women are pretty, deferential, and center on home, family and caring for others. Subordinate to men, they are usually cast as dupes, angels, martyrs, and trust summa cum laude wives and helpmates. Occasionally, women who depart from conventional roles are portrayed positively, but this is done either by making their life hi score lives invisible, as with Claire Huxtable, or by softening and feminizing working women to acquit them more consistent with traditional views of fernininity For instance, in the original script, Cagney and Lacey were conceived as knock-down(prenominal), mature, independent women who took their work seriously and did it hearty.It took 6 years for writers Barbara Corday and Barbara Avedon to trade the script to CBS, and even then they had t o tot to subdue Cagneys and Laceys abilities to ennoble producer Barney Rosenzweig, who complained, These women arent soft enough. These women arent feminine enough (Faludi, 1991, p. 150). While female viewers wrote thousands of letters praising the show, male executives at CBS continued to force writers to make the characters softer, more tender, and less sure of themselves (Faludi, 1991, p. 152).The create of Cagney and Lacey illustrates the medias bias in estimate of women who are traditionally feminine and who are not too able, too powerful, or too confident. The rule seems to be that a cleaning woman may be strong and successful if and only if she also exemplifies traditional stereotypes of femininity-subservience, passivity, beauty, and an individuation think to one or more men. The other image of women the media offer us is the sinfulness sister of the good homebody Versions of this image are the witch, bitch, whore, or nonwoman, who is represented as hard, cold, agg ressive-all of the things a good woman is not supposed to be.Exemplifying the evil woman is Alex in fattenal Attraction, which grossed more than $100 billion in its offset printing four months (Faludi, 1991, p. 113). nurture Alex was only an extreme version of how bad women are principally portrayed. In childrens publications, we encounter witches and mean stepmothers as villains, with beautiful and passive females like Snow White and Sleeping peach as their good counterparts. Prime-time television favorably portrays pretQ nurturing, other- rivet women, such as Claire Huxtable on The Cosby Show, whose move as an attorney neer entered storylines as much as her engagement in family matters. consent in Thirtysomething is an angel, committed to husband Michael and daughter Janey. In the biographies written for each of the characters when the show was in development, all male characters were delineate in harm of their career goals, beliefs, and activities. relys biography c onsisted of one line Hope is married to Michael (Faludi, 1991, p. 162). Hope epitomizes the traditional woman, so much so in fact that in one possibility she refers to herself as June Cleaver and calls Michael Ward, thus reprising the traditional family of the 1950s as somebodyified in yield It to Beaver (Faludi, 1991, p. 61). Meanwhile, prime-time typically represents ambitious, independent women as lonely, embittered spinsters who are counterpoints to good women. Stereotypical Images of Relationships amid Men and Women Given medias stereotypical portrayals of women and men, we shouldnt be surprised to rein that relationships betwixt women and men are similarly depicted in ways that reinforce stereotypes. Four heads demonstrate how media reflect and conjure up traditional ar eye socketments amongst the sexes. Womens dependence/mens independence.Walt Disneys award-winning animated film The Little Mermaid vividly embodies females dependence on males for identity. In this si gn film, the mermaid quite literally 33 1 +3 LIVING WITH MEDIA I capital of Minnesota I wouldnt say this around anyone, but psycheally Id be well-chosen if the media let up a little on us guys. I watch those guys in films and on TV, and I just olfaction inadequate. I mean, Im healthy and I look okay, and Ill probably make a decent salary when I graduate. But I am no stud I cant beat up three guys at once women dont fall dead at my feet I dubiety Ill make i million bucks and I dont cast muscles that ripple.Every time I go to a film, I leave feeling like a wimp. How can any of us guys ginmill up to whats on the bury? I gives up her identity as a mermaid in magnitude to become refreshing to her human l everyplace. In this childrens story, we see a peculiarly open-and-shut illustration of the asymmetrical relationship amid women and men that is more subtly conveyed in other media productions. Even the Smurfs, uncrystallised little beingnesss who have no obvious sex, refle ct the male-female, dominant-submissive roles.The female smurf, unlike her male companions who have names, is called only Smurfette, making her touch on identity a diminutive relation to male smurfs. The male dictum/female subservience pattern that permeates mediated representations of relationships is no accident. outgrowth in 1991, television executives by design and consciously adopted a polity of having dominant male characters in all Saturday cockcrow childrens programming (Carter, 1991). Women, as well as minorities, are cast in champion roles quite a than take ones in both childrens shows and the commercials interspersed within them (OConnor 1989).Analyses of MTV revealed that it portrays females as passive and waiting for mens attention, while males are shown ignoring, exploiting or directing women (Brown, Campbell, & Fisher, 1986). In rap harmony videos, where African-American men and women star men subdue women, whose primary role is as objects of male desires (P areles, 1990 Texier, 1990). sunrise(prenominal)s programs that have male and female hosts routinely cast the female as deferential to her male ally (Craft, 1988 Sanders & Rock, 1988). Commercials, too, manifest power cues that echo the male handedness/female subservience pattern.For instance, men are usually shown positioned above women, and women are more frequently pictured in varying degrees of undress (Masse & Rosenblum 1988 N&o, Hill, Gelbein, & Clark, 1988). such(prenominal) nonverl bal cues represent women as vulnerable and more submissive while men adhere in control. In a brief departure from this pattern, films and television beginning in the 1970s responded to the second wave of libber movement by exhibit women who were independent without being hard, embittered, or without c fall behind relationships. Films such as Alice Doesnt Live Here Anymore, Up the Sandbox, The Turning Point, Diary of a sick(p) 34Housewife, and An Unmarried Woman offered realistic portraits of women who want and ground their awn voices independent of men. Judy Daviss film, My BriZZiant Career, curiously embodied this focus by say the story of a woman who chooses work over marriage. During this period, television followed suit, offering viewers prime-time out-of-the-way(prenominal)e such as Maude and The bloody shame Tyler Moore Show, which starred women who were able and achieving in their own rights. One Day at a Time rr which premiered in 1974, was the first prime-time program approximately a divorced woman.By the 198Os, however, traditionally gendered arrangements resurged as the bounce movement against womens liberation movement was embraced by media (Haskell, 1988 Maslin 1990). Thus, film fare in the 1980s included Pretfy Woman the story of a prostitute who becomes a good woman when she is saved from her evil ways by a rigidly stereotypical man, complete with millions to prove his success Meanwhile, tie in Me Up, Tie Me Down trivialized laugh at of women a nd underlined womens dependence on men with a story of a woman who is flinch by a man and colludes in sustaining her bondage.Crossing Delancey showed successful careerist Amy Irving talked into believing she escorts a man to be complete, a theme reprised by Cher in Moonstruck. Television, too, cooperated in reverting women to their traditional roles with characters like Hope in Thirtysomething who minded house and baby as an ultratraditional wife, and even Murphy Brown appoint her career wasnt enough and had a baby Against her protests, Cybill Shepherd, who played Maddie in Moonlighting was constrained to marry briefly on screen which Susan Faludi (1991, p. 57) refers to as part of a hunt down to cow this independent female figure. democratic euphony added its voice with hit songs like Having My Baby, which glorified a woman who pay back herself by motherhood and her relationship to a man. The point is not that having babies or committing to relationships is JOANNE Id like to know who dreams up those commercials that show men as ineffectual to boil water or run a vacuum. Id like to tell them theyre creating monsters. My boyfriend and I agreed to split all chores as when we moved in together. Ha Fat chance of that. He does zilch.When I get on his case, he reminds me of what happened when the father on some show had to take over housework and practically demolished the kitchen. thusly he grins and says, Now, you wouldnt want that, would you? Or worse yet, he throws up Hope or one of the other women on W, and asks me why I cant be as sweet and appurtenant as she is. Its like the altercate on television gives him blanket emancipation for doing nothing. 7. Gendered Medi wrong rather, it is that media virtually require this of women in order to present them positively Media define a very narrow range for womanhood.Joining the contract to restore traditional dominantsubordinate patterns of male-female relationships were snips, which sassy their focu s on womens role as the helpmate and supporter of husbands and families (Peirce, 1990). In 1988, that staple of Americana Good Housekeeping, did its part to resort womens tradi tional roles with a whole ad (The Best in the House n 1988) for its new demographic edition marketed to the new traditionalist woman. A month later, the clip followed this up with a second full-page ad in national newspapers that saluted the new traditionalist woman m with this written matter (The spick-and-span Traditionalist, 1988) She his made her commitment. Her mission create a more meaningful life for herself and her family She is the rude(a) Traditionalist-a contemporary woman who finds her fulfillment in traditional cheers. The long-standing dominant-submissive model for male-female relationships was largely restored in the 1980s. With only rare exceptions, women are still portrayed as dependent on men and subservient to them.As B. Lott (1989, p. 64) points out, it is women who do the laundry and are secretaries to men who own companies. Mens authority/womens incompetence. A second recurrent theme in media representations of relationships is that men are the competent government who save women from their incompetence. Childrens literature vividly implements this motif by dramatis personae females as helpless and males as plan of attack to their rescue. Sleeping Beautys resurrection depends on Prince Charmings kiss, a theme that appears in the increasingly touristed gothic romance novels for adults (Modleski, 1982).One of the most pervasive ways in which media define males as government is in commercials. Women are routinely shown anguishing over dirty floors and bathroom fixtures only to be relieved of their distress when Mr. Clean shows up to tell them how to keep their homes spotless. Even when commercials are aimed at women selling products intended for them, up to 90% of the tim a mans voice is used to explain the value of what is being sold (Basow, 1992, p. 1 61 Bretl & Cantor 1988). utilise male voice-overs reinforces the cultural v&w that men are authorities and women depend on men to tell them what to do.Television further communicates the message that men are authorities and women are not. One means of doing this is holy numbers. As we have seen, men immensely outnumber women in television programming. In addition, the dominance of men as news anchors who inform us of happenings in the mankind underlines their authority (Study Reports brace Bias, 1989). Prime-time television contributes to this image by showing women who indigence to be rescued by men and by presenting women as incompetent more than twice as often as men (Bayer, 1986 Lichter et al. , 1986).Consider the characters in The Jetsons, an animate, television series set in the future. Daughter Judy Jetso is evermore complaining and waiting for others to he1 her, using ploys of failing and flattery to win men attention. The reticuloendothelial systemcuers, a popular ani mated video of the 199Os, features young woman Bianca (whose voice is that of Zs Zsa Gabon fittingly enough), who splits her time evenl) between being in trouble and being grateful to mah characters for rescuing her. These stereotypical repre sentations of males and females reinforce a number o harmful beliefs.They suggest, first, that men are more competent than women. heighten this is the message that a womans power lies in her looks and conventional femininity since that is how females from Sleeping Beauty to Judy Jetson get males to assistant them with their dilemmas (McCauley Thangavelu, & Rozin 1988). Third, these stereotypes underline the requiremen that men must perform, succeed, and keep down in order to be worthy Women as primary caregiverslmen as breadwinners. A third perennial theme in media is that women are caregivers and men are providers.Since the squinch of the 198Os, in fact, this gendered arrangement has been promulgated with regenerate nothing. Once again, as in the 195Os, we see women devoting themselves to acquiring rings off of collars, antique out of their tomentum cerebri, and meats on the table. Corresponding to this is the restatement of mens inability in municipal and nurturing roles. Horovitz (1989), for instance, reports that in commercials men are on a regular alkali the butt of jokes for their ignorance about nutrition, child care, and housework When media portray women who work outside of the home, their career lives typicallyFreceive little or no attention.Although these characters have titles such as lawyer or doctor, they are shown predominantly in their roles as homemakers, mothers, and wives. We see them involved in caring conversations with family and friends and doing things for others, all of which never seem to infringe with their captain responsibilities. This has the potential to cultivate delusive expectations of being Isuperwoman, who does it all without her getting a sensory hairsbreadth out of plac e or being late to a conference. Magazines play a key role in promoting pleasant others as a primary focus of womens lives. K.Peirces (1990) study found that magazines aimed at women stress look good and doing things to please others. Thus, advertising tells women how to be me, only better by discolor their hair to look younger how to lose weight so youll still be attractive to him and how to trick out gourmet meals so hes always glad to come home. Constantly these advertisements emphasize pleasing others, especially men, as central to being a woman, and the message is fortified with the softly veiled warning that if a woman fails to look good and please, her man business leader leave (Rakow, 1992).There is a second, less cognize way in which advertisements contribute to stereotypes of women as focused 1 + LIVING WITH MEDIA on others and men as focused on work. Writing in 1990, Gloria Steinem, editor of Ms. , revealed that advertisers control some to most of the fill in mag azines. In exchange for placing an ad, a company receives complimentary copy which is one or more articles that increase the market address of its product.So a soup company that takes out an ad might be given a three-page story on how to prepare meals using that brand of soup likewise, an ad for hair coloring products might be accompanied by interviews with famous women who choose to dye their hair. Thus, the message of advertisers is multiplied by magazine content, which readers often mistakenly take for granted is ,independent of advertising. Advertisers support media, and they exert a powerful influence on what is presented. To understand the prevalence of traditional gender roles in programming, magazine copy, and other media, we need only ask what is in the best interests of advertisers.They want to rat shows that create or expand markets for their products. Media images of women as sex objects, devoted homemakers, and mothers buttress the very roles in which the majority of consuming takes place. To live up to these images, women have to buy cosmetics and other personal care products, diet aids, food, dwelling cleaners, utensils and appliances, clothes and toys for children, and so on. In short, it is in advertisers interests to support programming and copy that feature women in traditional roles.In a recent psychoanalysis, Lana Rakow (1992) demonstrated that much advertising is oppressive to women and is very difficult to resist, even when one is a committed womens liberationist. Womens role in the home and mens role outside of it are built by newspapers and news programming. Both emphasize mens independent activities and, in fact, define news almost only when as stories about and by men (Study Reports conjure Bias, 1989). Stories about men focus on work and/or their achievements (Luebke, 1989), reiterating the cultural message that men are supposed to do, perform.Meanwhile the few stories about women almost invariably focus on their roles as wives, mothers, and homemakers (Study Reports Sex Bias, 1989). Even stories about women who are in the news because of achievements and professional activities typically dwell on marriage, family life, and other aspects of womens traditional role (Foreit et al. , 1980). Women as victims and sex objectslmen as aggressors. A final examination theme in mediated representations of relationships between women and men is representation of women as contentedness to mens versed desires.The badinage of this representation is that the very qualities women are support to develop (beauty, sexiness, passivity, and powerlessness) in order to go out cultural ideals of femininity contribute to their victimization. Also, the qualities that men are urged to exemplify (aggressiveness, dominance, innerity, and strength) are very(a) to those linked to revilement of women. It is no analogy that all but one of the women nominative for Best Actress in the 36 1988 honorary society Awards played a victim (Faludi, 1991, p. 138). Women are portrayed alternatively either as decorative objects, who must attract a man o be valuable, or as victims of mens intimate impulses. Either way, women are specify by their bodies and how men treat them. Their independent identities and endeavors are irrelevant to how they are represented in media, and their abilities to resist developing by others are obscured. This theme, which was somewhat toned down during the 197Os, returned with vigor in the 1980s as the backlash permeated media. According to S. A. Basow (1992, p. 160), since 1987 there has been a resurgence of male gibbosity, pretty female sidekicks, female homemakers. Advertising in magazines also communicates the message that women are knowledgeable objects.While men are seldom pictured nude or even partially unclothed, women habitually are. Advertisements for makeup, colognes, hair products, and clothes often show women attracting men because they got the right products and ma de themselves irresistible. Stars on prime-time and films, who are beautiful and dangerously thin, perpetuate the idea that women must literally starve themselves to dying to win mens interest (Silverstein et al. , 1986). Perhaps the most glaring utilisations of portrayals of women as sex objects and men as informal aggressors guide in music videos as shown on MTV and many other stations.Typically, females are shown jump provocatively in stint and/or revealing clothing as they try to gain mens attention (Texier, 1990). Frequently, men are seen coercing women into knowledgeable activities and/or physically abusing them. Violence against women is also condoned in many recent films. R. Warshaw (1991) describe that cinematic presentations of flubs, especially acquaintance bumbles, are not presented as power-motivated violations of women but rather as strictly cozy encounters.Similarly, others (Cowan, Lee, Levy, & Snyder, 1988 Cowan & OBrien, 1990) have found that male dominanc e and sexual exploitation of women are themes in virtually all R-and X-rated films, which almost anyone may now rent for home viewing. These media images drool to extremes long-standing cultural views of masculinity as aggressive and femininity as passive. They also make furiousness seem sexy (D. Russell, 1993). In so doing, they recreate these limited and limiting perceptions in the thinking of some other generation of women and men. In sum, we have identified rudimentary stereotypes and relationships between the two.IndividualIy and in combination these images sustain and reinforce affectionately constructed views of the genders, views that have dependant both men and women and that appear to ramificationitimise destructive behaviors ranging from anorexia to battering. Later in this chapter, we allow probe more closely how media versions of gender are linked to problems such as these. . . . 7. Gendered Media pathologizing the Human Body One of the most damaging consequenc es of medias images of women and men is that these images elevate us to perceive normal bodies and normal physical functions as problems.Its apprehensible to wish we weighed a little more or less, had better developed muscles, and never had pimples or cramps. What is neither reasonable nor healthy, however, is to regard healthy, functional bodies as abnormal and unacceptable. Yet this is precisely the negative self-image cultivated by media portrayals of women and men. Because sex sells products (Muro, 1989), sexual and erotic images are the single most prominent diagnostic of advertising (Courtney & Whipple, 1983).Further, advertising is increasingly objectifying men, which probably accounts for the rise in mens weight training and cosmetic operating theatre Media, and especially advertising, are equal hazard dehumanizers of both sexes. not only do media induce us to think we should measure up to artificial standards, but they bring forward us to see normal bodies and incar nate functions as pathologies. A good example is the medias construction of premenstrual syndrome (premenstrual syndrome). Historically, premenstrual syndrome has not been a problem, but belatedly it has been declared a disease (Richmond-Abbott, 1992).In fact, a good deal of search (Parlee, 1973, 1987) indicates that premenstrual syndrome displaceed very few women in earlier eras. After the war, when women were no all-night needed in the work force, assurance changed and the term premenstrual tension was coined (Greene & Dalton, 1953) and used to define women as inferior employees. In 1964, only one article on PMS appeared in 1988-1989, a full(a) of 425 were published (Tavris, 1992, p. 140). Drug companies funded look for and advancement since selling PMS meant selling their remedies for the saucily created problem.Behind the hoopla, however, there was and is little evidence to support the currently widespread belief that PMS is a serious problem for a significant portion of the female population. Facts aside, the myth has caught on, carrying in its wake many women and men who now perceive normal periodical changes as abnormal and as making women unfit for positions of leadership and authority other consequence of specify PMS as a serious problem most women suffer is that it leads to labeling women in general as deviant and unreliable (Unger & Crawford, 1992), an image that fortifies long-held biases against women.Menopause is similiarly pathologized. Carol Tavris (1992, p. 159) notes that books describe climacteric in terms of deprivation, deficiency, loss, shedding, and sloughing language that defines a normal process as negative. Like menstruation, menopause is represented as abnormalcy and disease, an image that probably contributes to the negative attitudes toward it in America. The encompass of the may 25, 1992, bleaksweek featured an abstract draft of a maneuver in the conformation of a womans head. The tree was stripped of all leaves, making it regretful and barren.Across the picture was the regale-story headline Menopause. From first glance, menopause was represented negatively-as desolate and unfruitful. The article focused primarily on the problems and losses of menopause. totally toward the end did readers find reports from anthropologists, whose cross-cultural research revealed that in many cultures menopause is not an issue or is viewed positively Women in whitethornan villages and the Greek island of Evia do not understand questions about . hot flashes and depression, which are symptoms often associated with menopause in Western societies (Menopause, 1992, p. 7). These are not part of their throw in cultures that do not define a normal change in women as a pathology Because Western countries, especially America, scar menopause and define it as the end of womanhood, Western women are likely to feel distressed and unproductive about the completion of menstruation (Greer, 1992). Advertising is very g ood in convince us that we need products to solve problems we are unaware of until some clever public relations campaign persuades us that something inseparable about us is real unnatural and unacceptable.Media have convert millions of American women that what every medical ejaculate considers normal body weight is really abnormal and cause for serious dieting (Wolf, 1991). Similarly, gray hair, which naturally develops with age, is now something all of us, especially women, are supposed to cover up. Facial lines, which indicate a person has lived a life and accumulated experiences, can be removed so that we look younger-a prime goal in a culture that glorifies youth (Greer, 1992).Body hair is another(prenominal) interesting case of medias convincing us that something normal is really abnormal. Beginning in 1915, a sustained merchandise campaign informed women that underarm hair was unsightly and socially incorrect. (The campaign against leg hair came later. ) Harpers Bazaar , an upmarket magazine, launched the crusade against underarm hair with a record of a woman whose embossed arms revealed clean-shaven armpits. Underneath the photograph was this caption Summer dress and modem dancing combine to make necessary the removal of objectionable hair (Adams, 1991)Within a few years, ads promoting removal of underarm hair appeared in most womens magazines, and by 1922, razors and depilatories were firmly ensconced in middle America as evidenced by their comprehension in the womens section of the Sears Roebuck catalog. Media efforts to pathologize natural physiology can be very serious. As we have seen in prior chapters, the emphasis on excessive thinness contributes to severe and potentially lethal dieting, especially in Caucasian women (Spitzack, 1993).Nonetheless, the top female models in 1993 are skeletal, more so than in recent years (Leland & Leonard, 1993). Many womens natural breast size exceeded the cultural ideal in the 1960s when thin, angula te bodies were represented as ideal. Thus, breast decrement surgeries rose. By the 198Os, cultural standards changed 37 1 6 LIVING WITH MEDIA to define large breasts as the feminine ideal. Consequently, breast augmentation surgeries accelerated, and fully 80% of implants were for cosmetic reasons (The. Implant Circus, 1992).In an effort to ascertain the cultural standards of beautiful bodies, many women suffered unnecessary surgery, which led to disfigurement, loss of feeling, and sometimes death for women when silicone implants were later linked to fatal conditions. Implicitlp media argue that our natural state is abnormal and objectionable, a premise that is infixed to sell products and advice for improving ourselves. Accepting media messages about our bodies and ourselves, however, is not inevitable We can reflect on the messages and resist those that are unconnected and/or harmful.We would probably all be considerably happier and healthier if we became more precise in analy zing medias communication about how we should look, be, and act. Normalizing Violence Against Women harmful, while sexually cherry substantives appear to be (Donnerstein, Linz, & Penrod, 1987). Pornographic films are a big business, outnumbering other films by 3 to 1 and grossing over $365 million a year in the join States alone (Wolf, 1991). The primary themes characteristic of carbon black as a genre are extremes of those in media generally sex, fierceness, and domination of one person by another, usually women by men (Basow, 1992, p. 17). more than 80% of X-rated films in one study included scenes in which one or more men dominate and exploit one or more women within these films, three-fourths portray physical encroachment against women, and fully half(a) explicitly depict rapine (Cowan et al. , 1988). That these are linked to viewers MYTHS Myth pillage is a sexual act that resuits from sexual urges. Rapists are abnormal. AND FACTS Fact ABOUT thwart Since we have seen that media positively portray aggression in males and passivity in females, its important to ask whether media messages contribute to abuse of and violence against women.There is by now fairly convincing evidence (Hansen & Hansen, 1988) that motion picture to sexual violence through media is linked to greater tolerance, or even approval, of violence. For instance, I? Dieter (1989) found a strong relationship between females viewing of sexually violent MTV and their acceptation of sexual violence as part of normal relationships. He reasoned that the more they observe positive portrayals of sexual violence, the more likely women are to perceive this as natural in relationships with men and the less likely they are to object to violence or to defend themselves from it.In short, Dieter suggests that heavy exposure to media tiolence within relationships tends to normalize it, so that abuse and violence are considered natural parts of love and sex. Dieters study demonstrates a direct link between sexual aggression and one popular form of media, MTV. Research on porno further corroborates connections between exposure to portrayals of violence against women and leaveingness to engage in or accept it in ones own relationships (Russell, 1993). out front we discuss this research, however, we need to clarify what we volition mean by the term pornography, since defining it is a matter of some controversy.Pornography is not simply sexually explicit material. To attain pornography from erotica, we might focus on mutual agreement and mutual benefit. If we use these criteria, pornography may be defined as materials that favorably show control and degradation of a person such as presenting sadistic behaviors as pleasurable, brutalizing and twinge as enjoyable, and forced sex or abuse as positive. Erotica, on the other hand, depicts consensual sexual activities that are want by and pleasurable to all parties involved (MacKinnon, 1987).These distinctions are important , since it has been well established that graphic sexual material itself is not 38 Rape is an aggressive act used to dominate another. Rapists have not been shown to differ from nonrapists in personality, psychology, adjustment, or involvment in interpersonal relationships. Eighty percent to 90% of bollocks ups are committed by a person known to the victim (Allgeier, 1987). Most sacks occur between strangers. Most rapists are African-Ameri- More than three-fourths of all can men, and most victims scandalises occur within races, not are Caucasian women. between races.This myth reflects racism. The way a woman dresses affects the likeliness she will be outraged. The majority-up to 90%-of rapes are plan in advance and without knowledge of how the victim will dress (Scully, 1990). The majority of rapes are never reported (Koss, Cidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987). Less than 10% of rape reports are judged false, the same as for other violent crimes. The incidence of rape varies across cult ures. It is highest in societies with ideologies of male dominance and a disregard for nature it is last-place in cultures that respect women and feminine set Griffin 1981).False reports of rapes are frequent. Rape is a universal problem own tendencies to engage in sexual violence is no longer disputable. According to recent research (Demare, Briere, & Lips, 1988 Donnerstein et al. , 1987 Malamuth & Briere, 1986), viewing sexually violent material tends to in- 7. Gendered Media crease mens beliefs in rape myths, raises the likelihood thnt men will admit they might themselves commit rape, and desensitizes men to rape, thereby making forced sex more acceptable to them.This research suggests that repeated exposure to pornography influences how men think about rape by transforming it from an unacceptable behavior with which they do not determine into one they find acceptable and enticing. Not surprisingly, the single best predictor of rape is the circulation of pomographic materials t hat glorify sexual force and exploitation (Baron & Straus, 1989). This is alarming when we realize that 18 million men buy a total of 165 different pornographic magazines every month in the joined States (Wolf, 1991, p. 79).It is well documented that the incidence of reported rape is rising and that an increasing number of men regard forced sex as acceptable (Brownmiller, 1993 Soeken & Danirosch, 1986). Studies of men (Allgeier, 1987 Koss & booty, 1988 Koss, Dinero, Seibel, & Cox, 1988 Koss Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987 Lisak & Roth, 1988) hav produced shocking findings While the majority of college men report not having raped anyone, a stunning 50% admit they have coerced, manipulated, or pressured a woman to have sex or have had sex with her after getting her drunk 1 in 12 men at some colleges has act in behaviors meeting the legal interpretation of rape r attempted rape over 80% of men who admitted to acts that meet the definition of rape did not believe they had committed rape a nd fully deuce-ace of college men said they would commit rape if they believed nobody would find out. Contrary to popular belief, we also know that men who do commit rape are not mentally abnormal. They are indistinguishable from other men in terms of psychological adjustment and health, emotional wellbeing, heterosexual relationships, and frequence of sexual experiences (Segel-Evans, 1987).The only established contravention between men who are sexually violent and men who are not is that the former have hypermasculine attitudes and self-concepts-their approval of male dominance and sexual rights is even stronger than that of nonrapists (Allgeier, 1987 Koss & Dinero 1988. Lisak & Roth, 1988 Wood, 1993a). The difference b&ween sexually violent men and others appears to be only a matter of degree. We also know something about women who are victims of rape and other forms of sexual violence.Between 33% and 66% of all women have been sexually abused before scope age 18 (Clutter, 19 90 Koss, 1990). The majority of college women-up to 75%-say they have been coerced into some type of outcast sex at least once (Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987 Poppen & Segal 1988 Warshaw, 1988). A third of women who survivi *ape scan suicide (Koss et al. , 1988). It is also clear that the psychic trauma of rape is not confined to the time of its actual occurrence.The feelings that accompany rape and sexual assault-fear, a sense of degradation and shame, anger, powerlessness, and depression-endure far beyond the act itself (Brownmiller, 1975 Wood 1992b 19930. Most victims of rape continue to deal v&h the emotional aftermath of rape for the rest of their lives (Marhoefer-Dvorak, Resick, Hutter, & Girelli, 1988). What causes rape, now the fastest growing violent crime in the United States (Doyle, 1989 Soeken & Damrosch, 1986)?According to experts (Costin & Schwartz 1987 Koss & Dinero, 1988 Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski 1987 Scott & Tetreault, 1987 Scully, 1990), rape is not the term ination of psychological deviance or seditious lust. Although rape involves sex, it is not motivated by sexual desire. Authorities agree that rape is an aggressive act used to dominate and show power over another person, be it a man over a woman or one man over another as in prison settings where rape is one way inmates brU1 talize one another and establish a power hierarchy (Rideau & Sinclair, 1982).Instead, attach evidence suggests that rape is a inevitable outcome of views of men, women, and relationships between the sexes that our society inculcates in members (Brownmiller, 1975. Costin & Schwartz, 1987 Scott & Tetreault, 1987 South & Felson, 1990). Particularly compelling support for the cultural basis of rape comes from cross-cultural studies (Griffin, 1981. Sanday, 1986), which reveal that rape is extremely rar in cultures that value women and feminine qualities and that have ideologies that promote harmonious interdependence among humans and between them and the natural w orld.Rape is most common in countries, like the United States, that have ideologies of male supremacy and dominance and a offense of women and nature. Cultural values communicated to us by family schools, media, and other sources constantly encourage us to believe men are superior, men should dominate women, male aggression is acceptable as a means of attaining what is wanted, women are passive and should defer to men, and women are sex objects. In concert these beliefs legitimize violence and aggression agains women.While the majority of media communication may not be pornographic, it does echo in somewhat muted forms the predominant themes of pornography sex, violence and male domination of women. As we have seen, thesi same motifs permeate media that are part of our daily lives, which generally portray males as dominating in number, status, authority, and will. self-coloured violence toward women punctuates movies, television-including childrens programming-rock music, and music videos desensitise men and women alike to the unnatural ness and unacceptability of force and brutality between human beings.Thus, the research that demonstrates connections between sex-stereotypical media and bridal of sexual violence is consistent with that showing relationships between more extreme, pornographic media and acceptance of and use of violence. . . . 39 REFERENCES Adams, C. (1991, April). The straight dope. triangle Comic Review, p. 26. ABgeier, E. R. (1987). C oercive versus consensual sexual interactions Washington, DC American Psychological Association. so,+. stark naked Haven, CT Yale Universitv press. Basow, S. A. (1992). Gender Stereo-&& and roles (3rd ed. ). 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